Gardiner
H. Shattuck Jr. Episcopalians & Race: Civil War to
Civil Rights. Lexington, University of Kentucky Press.
298+xiii.
Episcopalians and Race
clearly adds much new scholarship to discussions of American
History, the history of the Episcopal Church in America, and
religion in the South. Synthesizing numerous documents, the book
is well researched and lucidly written. Shattuck gives the reader
insight into the ways various organizations within the Episcopal
Church were formed in response to racial struggles as well as the
individuals who played key roles in them. Shattucks book
chronicles Episcopalian beliefs about race relations from the
Civil War through the 1980s and traces the activities resulting
from these beliefs. More specifically, he focuses upon the
interaction of Episcopal Church leaders and Episcopal African
Americans. Shattuck clearly demonstrates that their progress
towards full participation in the life of the church was to be as
difficult as their struggle to obtain suffrage in American
society as a whole.
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"Prior
to the Brown decision, the racism of
white Episcopalians took the form of paternalism: their
lesser but certainly beloved black members needed the
guidance of their white brethren. " |
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Shattuck divides his
study into three major sections. The first, focusing on
segregation, covers the policies and practices of the Episcopal
Church from just after the Civil War until the Brown v. Board
of Education decision in 1954, when the Supreme Court ordered
the desegregation of public schools. Immediately after the Civil
War, many African Americans who had been members of the Episcopal
Church left it for newly formed denominations such as the African
Methodist Episcopal Church. Despite the efforts of Alexander
Crummell and the establishment of the Conference of Church
Workers Among Colored People, the leaders in the Episcopal Church
were, on the whole, too prejudiced ever to share leadership with
blacks. Shattuck demonstrates that racism on the part of white
Episcopalians largely caused this exodus of black Americans and
that racism was the problem from the Civil War until the 1980s.
Prior to the Brown
decision, the racism of white Episcopalians took the form of
paternalism: their lesser but certainly beloved black members
needed the guidance of their white brethren. Shattuck says
Episcopal leaders accepted segregation and did not believe that
change would occur soon. Moreover, despite the genuine desire of
many African American Episcopalians to remain within the Anglican
Tradition, the sometimes more blatant racism of many laypeople,
such as Jessie Ball duPont, always relegated blacks to a
powerless place in the Church. Thus the Episcopal Churchs
rhetoric of unity clearly did not extend to the practice of
equality among its black members.
Part II of
Shattucks narrative surveys the struggle after the Brown
decision. In a gesture disapproving of racist practices in
Houston, the Church rejected the city as a suitable place for the
1955 General Convention and instead met in Honolulu, where the
convention endorsed the Brown decision. This endorsement,
Shattuck says, was far from a consensus. Prior to Brown,
the policy of the Episcopal Church had been to establish separate
institutions to improve the plight of blacks; and although
nationally the Church had shifted its policy towards integration,
some prestigious southern churches had adopted resolutions
endorsing segregation, affirming that segregation contained no
intrinsic evil.
When the Supreme Court
ordered the desegregation of public schools, some southern
Episcopalians heroically supported these new federal policies,
though they often paid a price for it. Understanding racial
justice to be an ethical imperative of their faith, such
enlightened southern aristocrats as Sarah Patton Boyle, J. Waties
Waring, and Carl and Anne Braden were ostracized and sometimes
suffered even physical abuse for their beliefs. Others who
supported integration were forced to belittle civil rights
activism occurring elsewhere in the United States, calling these
non-southern views on the subject extreme
and suggesting a lack of patriotism in some Northern
Episcopalians views. Those southerners who prominently
supported integration often experienced isolation from other
church members. For example, when Thomas Thrasher, the rector of
a parish in Montgomery, Alabama, openly supported civil rights,
he received no support from his Bishop. Furthermore, as Shattuck
points out, the national church also did nothing to support
Thrasher or others who took similar positions.
By the late 1950s,
despite the work of people such well-known Episcopalians as Pauli
Murray, Kenneth Clark, and Thurgood Marshall, by and large
members of the Episcopal Church remained tepid about the issue of
racial desegregation. Beginning in 1957, a number of southern
Episcopal Church leaders felt a growing sense of impatience with
the typical southern attitude of Episcopalians toward status
quo racial practices in the South. Simultaneously, reformist
activities were taking place in northern parishes. Drawing on a
tradition expressed in the writings of such theologians as F.D.
Maurice, Charles Gore, and William Temple, several American
Episcopal theologians also stressed the importance of the
Churchs engagement with the world. Growing from past
establishmentarianism in the English Church, this social
gospel took shape in various ministries that Shattuck calls
hegemonic, where upper-middle-class Anglicans became
involved in inner-city ministries, such as the legal aid lay
ministry of William Stringfellow and the priestly ministries of
Paul Moore and Kilmer Myers.
The 1958 General
Convention proved disappointing to this spirit of reform. Many
came to believe that only an organization faithful to the beliefs
of the Episcopal Church but independent of it could further the
ideal of a racially united Church suggested by these reformers.
Under the leadership of John B. Morris and Cornelius Tarplee, the
Episcopal Society of Cultural and Racial Unity (ESCRU) was
established in Raleigh, North Carolina, in December 1959. But
this organization alienated many like-minded southerners and drew
bitter attacks from conservative southerners. Concurrent with the
Freedom rides, ESCRU sponsored its own public condemnation of
racism: ESCRU organized a prayer pilgrimage to begin
in New Orleans and move north. This action received a cool
reception from most Ordinaries and clergy in the South. By
contrast, northern church leaders actively engaged in this
struggle. However, Shattuck observes that these activities had
little effect, because what was really needed was for the
Episcopal Churchs leadership to step out of the
limelight and aid African Americans in less obtrusive ways.
Subsequently the South witnessed increasing violence against
Episcopalians who supported the civil rights struggle. A notable
example was the murder of Jonathan Daniels, a black seminarian
from New Hampshire, who was murdered in Alabama, August 20, 1965.
Part III of the book,
titled Fragmentation, covers the Churchs
attempts to respond to the Black Power Movement. When integration
was not fully achieved and the cruelties of life for blacks in
northern urban areas went unrelieved, some African Americans
turned to the separatist movement. In response to this crisis,
Presiding Bishop John Hines, deeply committed to the cause of
racial justice, created the General Convention Special
Programs with money to help inner-city blacks. Ironically,
this attempt at prophetic leadership in the Church only alienated
black clergy and various diocesan Bishops. Shattuck also
evaluates fairly the tenure of Hiness successor, John
Allin, who was more conservative but who, as a southerner, was
realistic about the racial problems in the South and the nation
as a whole.
Shattucks the
narrative concludes with some brief observations about the 1991
General Convention held in Phoenix despite Presiding Bishop
Edmund Browings insistence on holding the meeting there
even though Arizona refused to create a holiday honoring Martin
Luther King, Jr., whereas a generation earlier the Church had
refused to meet in Houston over its perceived racism. Shattuck
concludes that while the civil rights movement transformed the
Episcopal Church in many ways, the Church was far from realizing
the Incarnational ideals that make up much of its theological
rhetoric.
Shattucks book is
impressive in the amount and quality of information he presents
in the relatively short 218 pages. One minor criticism is that
the book does not fully discuss what changes in theological
trends, such as the advent of feminist theology, might account
for the Churchs seemingly diminished interest in racial
issues during Bishop Edmond Brownings leadership in the
1990s. And, although the book might have been strengthened by
more detailed analysis of theological discussions underpinning
the Churchs activism during the twentieth century, it gives
the reader--whether generalist, historian, or theologian--a fine
overview of the Churchs role in the racial struggles during
this period.
Clark M. Brittain,
Greenville Technical College
© 2001 by The
Journal of Southern Religion. All rights reserved. ISSN
1094-5234